Liquid Bombing Ruse Does Not Make the Papers

Another Day in the Empire

Liquid Bombing Ruse Does Not Make the Papers

By Administrator on Uncategorized

Happening upon retired Lieutenant-Colonel Nigel Wylde’s debunking of the August liquid-bomb Brothers Grimm story, posted on the Raw Story site, it immediately becomes obvious why the corporate media did not pick up the story.

Wylde, a former senior British Army Intelligence Officer, knows what he is talking about, as he was awarded the Queen’s Gallantry Medal for his command of the Belfast Explosive Ordnance Disposal Unit in 1974.

“The idea that these people could sit in the plane toilet and simply mix together these normal household fluids to create a high explosive capable of blowing up the entire aircraft is untenable,” Lt. Col. Wylde told Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed, author of The London Bombings: An Independent Inquiry. “This story has been blown out of all proportion. The liquids would need to be carefully distilled at freezing temperatures to extract the required chemicals, which are very difficult to obtain in the purities needed.” Following this, other arduous, albeit impossible on an airliner, procedures would be required.

But Wylde is not alone. “Wylde’s concerns are echoed by others familiar with British terrorism-related intelligence operations, such as Glen Jenvey, who is profiled in the bestselling book, The Terror Tracker, by terrorism investigator Neil Doyle. Jenvey worked for several military attaches monitoring terrorist groups in London and obtained crucial video and surveillance evidence used by British police to arrest radical cleric Abu Hamza al-Masri, who was convicted last February,” Ahmed continues.

“I’ve been closely monitoring the internet communications of extremist Muslim groups inside the UK both before and after 7/7, and they are intimately interconnected,” said Jenvey, who is affiliated with the London-based terror watch group VIGIL. “We’ve identified a coordinated leadership of at least 20 and up to 60 people, extremist preachers with blatant international al-Qaeda terrorist connections.”

Jenvey noted that even though they are known to the authorities and are monitored while breaking the law with impunity, particularly in their private sermons, the police have failed to take appropriate action against them. “The police don’t need to round up and detain thousands of British Muslims. If they only arrested, charged and prosecuted these 20 key terrorist leaders, they will have a struck a fatal blow against the epicentres of al-Qaeda extremism in the UK. But they’re sitting on this.”

Of course, this is hardly news, as the BBC reported some time ago the British MI5 sheltered Abu Qatada, described as a “senior al-Qaeda leader,” and MI6 protected Haroon Rashid Aswat, said to be the mastermind of the July 7, 2005, London bombings.

“The London Independent also reported 2 days before the London Bombings how MI5 has previously used so called Al Qaeda operatives as informants, allowing them to be left alone as a trade off,” writes Steve Watson. “This only came to light when Bisher al-Rawi was captured by the CIA and taken to the detention centre at Guantanamo Bay. The original Independent link has now mysteriously been removed.” Numerous other examples, beyond the scope of this modest blog entry, are out there, demonstrating government complicity in terrorism.

But even with a plethora of easily discernible evidence out there proving “al-Qaeda” terrorism is a ruse, our corporate media, at the behest of the perfidious neocons, plods along, reporting blatantly false and even stupid remarks issued by venal politicos as they connive to eviscerate the Constitution in America.

“It’s time for terrorists such as Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who planned the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, to face justice,” said Democrat Rep. Chet Edwards after Congress passed the so-called detainee bill, a massive affront to the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

No mention here of the fact “Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, alleged mastermind behind the September 11 plot, was granted a visa to enter the US just six weeks before the terrorist attacks in Washington and New York, according to new revelations from the federal commission studying the attacks,” as reported by the Financial Times.

Of course, this oversight in regard to Mohammed is simply an “intelligence failure,” even though we are told he was involved in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, the Operation Bojinka plot, an aborted 2002 attack on Los Angeles’ U.S. Bank Tower, the Bali nightclub bombings, the failed bombing of American Airlines Flight 63, and the murder of Daniel Pearl.

Naturally, as we are expected to believe incompetence rules inside U.S. intelligence agencies, nobody was called on the carpet or sacked over the Khalid Sheikh Mohammed oversight.

Meanwhile, back in England, the suspicious connections pile up like cord wood outside a Vermont cabin late November.

“According to John Loftus, a former Justice Department prosecutor, Omar Bakri and Abu Hamza, as well as the suspected mastermind of the London bombings Haroon Aswat, were all recruited by MI6 in the mid-1990s to draft up British Muslims to fight in Kosovo,” writes Nafeez Ahmed, underscoring what most of us kooky conspiracy theorists already know. “American and French security sources corroborate the revelation. The MI6 connection raises questions about Bakri’s relationship with British authorities today. Exiled to Lebanon and outside British jurisdiction, he is effectively immune to prosecution.”

Other London-based radical clerics with terrorist connections also had a relationship to the security services. Abu Qatada, described as al-Qaeda’s European ambassador, was, according to French sources a long-time MI5 informant. Pakistani government insiders similarly believe that Ahmed Omar Sheikh Saeed, the British al-Qaeda finance chief from Forest Gate, not only worked with the ISI, Pakistan’s military intelligence service, but was also recruited by the CIA as an informant. Saeed, who reportedly wired several hundred thousand dollars to alleged chief 9/11 hijacker Mohamed Atta, is currently in Pakistani custody for the murder of Wall Street Journal journalist Daniel Pearl.

As to this last bit of info, consider we are now told Khalid Shaikh Mohammed “took part in the killing of Mr. Pearl in Pakistan’s largest city, Karachi, after the journalist’s kidnapping on Jan. 23, 2002,” presumably with the ISI-CIA operative Omar Sheikh Saeed at his side, according to the New York Times.

As the journalists, or rather stenographers, at the New York Times have mortgage and Lexus payments due, we cannot expect them to make such easily stitched together connections, even if the facts are right there before them, courtesy of a simple Google search.

Lieutenant-Colonel Nigel Wylde’s characterization of the absurd and effortlessly disprovable liquid-bomb plot as a “fiction” was not reported stateside in the larger corporate media, as the idea is to scare the dickens out of witless citizens, ready and eager to buy into the normative threat—after years of incessant propaganda, most of it silly or utterly fantastical—posed by Freddy Kruger Muslims lurking in the shadows with peroxide and MP3 players in hand.

But then, in Bushzarro world, up is down, black is white, Bush is a compassionate conservative even as he orders the rape of children and the waterboarding of goat herders and dirt farmers, so we shouldn’t expect the truth to emerge, not now or probably ever.

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Iran Focus-Iran Freedom Support Act – Full text of bill passed by U.S. House – Iran (General) – News

Iran Focus-Iran Freedom Support Act – Full text of bill passed by U.S. House – Iran (General) – News

Iran Focus

London, Sep. 29 – The following is the full text of the Iran Freedom Support Act, which orders the imposition of mandatory sanctions on entities that provide goods or services for Iran’s weapons programs. The bill was passed by a voice vote in the United States House of Representatives on Thursday.

109th CONGRESS
2d Session
H. R. 6198

AN ACT

To hold the current regime in Iran accountable for its threatening behavior and to support a transition to democracy in Iran.

    Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

    This Act may be cited as the `Iran Freedom Support Act’.

SEC. 2. TABLE OF CONTENTS.

    The table of contents for this Act is as follows:

      Sec. 1. Short title.

      Sec. 2. Table of contents.

TITLE I–CODIFICATION OF SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN

      Sec. 101. Codification of sanctions.

TITLE II–AMENDMENTS TO THE IRAN AND LIBYA SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996 AND OTHER PROVISIONS RELATED TO INVESTMENT IN IRAN

      Sec. 201. Multilateral regime.

      Sec. 202. Imposition of sanctions.

      Sec. 203. Termination of sanctions.

      Sec. 204. Sunset.

      Sec. 205. Technical and conforming amendments.

TITLE III–PROMOTION OF DEMOCRACY FOR IRAN

      Sec. 301. Declaration of policy.

      Sec. 302. Assistance to support democracy for Iran.

TITLE IV–POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES TO FACILITATE THE NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION OF IRAN

      Sec. 401. Sense of Congress.

TITLE V–PREVENTION OF MONEY LAUNDERING FOR WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION

      Sec. 501. Prevention of money laundering for weapons of mass destruction.

TITLE I–CODIFICATION OF SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN

SEC. 101. CODIFICATION OF SANCTIONS.

    (a) Codification of Sanctions- Except as otherwise provided in this section, United States sanctions with respect to Iran imposed pursuant to sections 1 and 3 of Executive Order No. 12957, sections 1(e), (1)(g), and (3) of Executive Order No. 12959, and sections 2, 3, and 5 of Executive Order No. 13059 (relating to exports and certain other transactions with Iran) as in effect on January 1, 2006, shall remain in effect. The President may terminate such sanctions, in whole or in part, if the President notifies Congress at least 15 days in advance of such termination. In the event of exigent circumstances, the President may exercise the authority set forth in the preceding sentence without regard to the notification requirement stated therein, except that such notification shall be provided as early as practicable, but in no event later than three working days after such exercise of authority.

    (b) No Effect on Other Sanctions Relating to Support for Acts of International Terrorism- Nothing in this Act shall affect any United States sanction, control, or regulation as in effect on January 1, 2006, relating to a determination under section 6(j)(1)(A) of the Export Administration Act of 1979 (50 U.S.C. App. 2405(j)(1)(A)), section 620A(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2371(a)), or section 40(d) of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2780(d)) that the Government of Iran has repeatedly provided support for acts of international terrorism.

TITLE II–AMENDMENTS TO THE IRAN AND LIBYA SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996 AND OTHER PROVISIONS RELATED TO INVESTMENT IN IRAN

SEC. 201. MULTILATERAL REGIME.

    (a) Waiver- Section 4(c) of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended to read as follows:

    `(c) Waiver-

      `(1) IN GENERAL- The President may, on a case by case basis, waive for a period of not more than six months the application of section 5(a) with respect to a national of a country, if the President certifies to the appropriate congressional committees at least 30 days before such waiver is to take effect that such waiver is vital to the national security interests of the United States.

      `(2) SUBSEQUENT RENEWAL OF WAIVER- If the President determines that, in accordance with paragraph (1), such a waiver is appropriate, the President may, at the conclusion of the period of a waiver under paragraph (1), renew such waiver for subsequent periods of not more than six months each.’.

    (b) Investigations- Section 4 of such Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by adding at the end the following new subsection:

    `(f) Investigations-

      `(1) IN GENERAL- The President should initiate an investigation into the possible imposition of sanctions under section 5(a) against a person upon receipt by the United States of credible information indicating that such person is engaged in investment activity in Iran as described in such section.

      `(2) DETERMINATION AND NOTIFICATION- Not later than 180 days after an investigation is initiated in accordance with paragraph (1), the President should determine, pursuant to section 5(a), if a person has engaged in investment activity in Iran as described in such section and shall notify the appropriate congressional committees of the basis for any such determination.’.

SEC. 202. IMPOSITION OF SANCTIONS.

    (a) Sanctions With Respect to Development of Petroleum Resources- Section 5(a) of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended in the heading, by striking `to Iran’ and inserting `to the Development of Petroleum Resources of Iran’.

    (b) Sanctions With Respect to Development of Weapons of Mass Destruction or Other Military Capabilities- Section 5(b) of such Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended to read as follows:

    `(b) Mandatory Sanctions With Respect to Development of Weapons of Mass Destruction or Other Military Capabilities- The President shall impose two or more of the sanctions described in paragraphs (1) through (6) of section 6 if the President determines that a person has, on or after the date of the enactment of this Act, exported, transferred, or otherwise provided to Iran any goods, services, technology, or other items knowing that the provision of such goods, services, technology, or other items would contribute materially to the ability of Iran to–

      `(1) acquire or develop chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons or related technologies; or

      `(2) acquire or develop destabilizing numbers and types of advanced conventional weapons.’.

    (c) Effective Date- The amendments made by this section shall apply with respect to actions taken on or after June 6, 2006.

SEC. 203. TERMINATION OF SANCTIONS.

    Section 8(a) of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended–

      (1) in paragraph (1)(C), by striking `and’ at the end;

      (2) in paragraph (2), by striking the period at the end and inserting `; and’; and

      (3) by adding at the end the following new paragraph:

      `(3) poses no significant threat to United States national security, interests, or allies.’.

SEC. 204. SUNSET.

    Section 13 of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by striking `on September 29, 2006′ and inserting `on December 31, 2011′.

SEC. 205. TECHNICAL AND CONFORMING AMENDMENTS.

    (a) Findings- Section 2 of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by striking paragraph (4).

    (b) Declaration of Policy- Section 3 of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended–

      (1) in subsection (a), by striking `(a) Policy With Respect to Iran- ‘; and

      (2) by striking subsection (b).

    (c) Termination of Sanctions- Section 8 of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended–

      (1) in subsection (a), by striking `(a) Iran- ‘; and

      (2) by striking subsection (b).

    (d) Duration of Sanctions; Presidential Waiver- Section 9(c)(2)(C) of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended to read as follows:

        `(C) an estimate of the significance of the provision of the items described in section 5(a) or section 5(b) to Iran’s ability to, respectively, develop its petroleum resources or its weapons of mass destruction or other military capabilities; and’.

    (e) Reports Required- Section 10(b)(1) of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by striking `and Libya’ each place it appears.

    (f) Definitions- Section 14 of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended–

      (1) in paragraph (9)–

        (A) in the matter preceding subparagraph (A), by–

          (i) striking `, or with the Government of Libya or a nongovernmental entity in Libya,’; and

          (ii) by striking `nongovenmental’ and inserting `nongovernmental’; and

        (B) in subparagraph (A), by striking `or Libya (as the case may be)’;

      (2) by striking paragraph (12); and

      (3) by redesignating paragraphs (13), (14), (15), (16), and (17) as paragraphs (12), (13), (14), (15), and (16), respectively.

    (g) Short Title-

      (1) IN GENERAL- Section 1 of the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by striking `and Libya’.

      (2) REFERENCES- Any reference in any other provision of law, regulation, document, or other record of the United States to the `Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996′ shall be deemed to be a reference to the `Iran Sanctions Act of 1996′.

TITLE III–PROMOTION OF DEMOCRACY FOR IRAN

SEC. 301. DECLARATION OF POLICY.

    (a) In General- Congress declares that it should be the policy of the United States–

      (1) to support efforts by the people of Iran to exercise self-determination over the form of government of their country; and

      (2) to support independent human rights and peaceful pro-democracy forces in Iran.

    (b) Rule of Construction- Nothing in this Act shall be construed as authorizing the use of force against Iran.

SEC. 302. ASSISTANCE TO SUPPORT DEMOCRACY FOR IRAN.

    (a) Authorization-

      (1) IN GENERAL- Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the President is authorized to provide financial and political assistance (including the award of grants) to foreign and domestic individuals, organizations, and entities working for the purpose of supporting and promoting democracy for Iran. Such assistance may include the award of grants to eligible independent pro-democracy radio and television broadcasting organizations that broadcast into Iran.

      (2) LIMITATION ON ASSISTANCE- In accordance with the rule of construction described in subsection (b) of section 301, none of the funds authorized under this section shall be used to support the use of force against Iran.

    (b) Eligibility for Assistance- Financial and political assistance under this section should be provided only to an individual, organization, or entity that–

      (1) officially opposes the use of violence and terrorism and has not been designated as a foreign terrorist organization under section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1189) at any time during the preceding four years;

      (2) advocates the adherence by Iran to nonproliferation regimes for nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and materiel;

      (3) is dedicated to democratic values and supports the adoption of a democratic form of government in Iran;

      (4) is dedicated to respect for human rights, including the fundamental equality of women;

      (5) works to establish equality of opportunity for people; and

      (6) supports freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom of association, and freedom of religion.

    (c) Funding- The President may provide assistance under this section using–

      (1) funds available to the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), the Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative, and the Human Rights and Democracy Fund; and

      (2) amounts made available pursuant to the authorization of appropriations under subsection (g).

    (d) Notification- Not later than 15 days before each obligation of assistance under this section, and in accordance with the procedures under section 634A of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2394-l), the President shall notify the Committee on International Relations and the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate.

    (e) Sense of Congress Regarding Diplomatic Assistance- It is the sense of Congress that–

      (1) support for a transition to democracy in Iran should be expressed by United States representatives and officials in all appropriate international fora;

      (2) officials and representatives of the United States should–

        (A) strongly and unequivocally support indigenous efforts in Iran calling for free, transparent, and democratic elections; and

        (B) draw international attention to violations by the Government of Iran of human rights, freedom of religion, freedom of assembly, and freedom of the press.

    (f) Duration- The authority to provide assistance under this section shall expire on December 31, 2011.

    (g) Authorization of Appropriations- There is authorized to be appropriated to the Secretary of State such sums as may be necessary to carry out this section.

TITLE IV–POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES TO FACILITATE THE NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION OF IRAN

SEC. 401. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

    (a) Sense of Congress- It should be the policy of the United States not to bring into force an agreement for cooperation with the government of any country that is assisting the nuclear program of Iran or transferring advanced conventional weapons or missiles to Iran unless the President has determined that–

      (1) Iran has suspended all enrichment-related and reprocessing-related activity (including uranium conversion and research and development, manufacturing, testing, and assembly relating to enrichment and reprocessing), has committed to verifiably refrain permanently from such activity in the future (except potentially the conversion of uranium exclusively for export to foreign nuclear fuel production facilities pursuant to internationally agreed arrangements and subject to strict international safeguards), and is abiding by that commitment; or

      (2) the government of that country–

        (A) has, either on its own initiative or pursuant to a binding decision of the United Nations Security Council, suspended all nuclear assistance to Iran and all transfers of advanced conventional weapons and missiles to Iran, pending a decision by Iran to implement measures that would permit the President to make the determination described in paragraph (1); and

        (B) is committed to maintaining that suspension until Iran has implemented measures that would permit the President to make such determination.

    (b) Definitions- In this section:

      (1) AGREEMENT FOR COOPERATION- The term `agreement for cooperation’ has the meaning given that term in section 11 b. of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2014(b)).

      (2) ASSISTING THE NUCLEAR PROGRAM OF IRAN- The term `assisting the nuclear program of Iran’ means the intentional transfer to Iran by a government, or by a person subject to the jurisdiction of a government, with the knowledge and acquiescence of that government, of goods, services, or technology listed on the Nuclear Suppliers Group Guidelines for the Export of Nuclear Material, Equipment and Technology (published by the International Atomic Energy Agency as Information Circular INFCIRC/254/Rev. 3/Part 1, and subsequent revisions) or Guidelines for Transfers of Nuclear-Related Dual-Use Equipment, Material and Related Technology (published by the International Atomic Energy Agency as Information Circular INFCIRC/254/Rev. 3/Part 2 and subsequent revisions).

      (3) TRANSFERRING ADVANCED CONVENTIONAL WEAPONS OR MISSILES TO IRAN- The term `transferring advanced conventional weapons or missiles to Iran’ means the intentional transfer to Iran by a government, or by a person subject to the jurisdiction of a government, with the knowledge and acquiescence of that government, of–

        (A) advanced conventional weapons; or

        (B) goods, services, or technology listed on the Missile Technology Control Regime Equipment and Technology Annex of June 11, 1996, and subsequent revisions.

TITLE V–PREVENTION OF MONEY LAUNDERING FOR WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION

SEC. 501. PREVENTION OF MONEY LAUNDERING FOR WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION.

    Section 5318A(c)(2) of title 31, United States Code, is amended–

      (1) in subparagraph (A)(i), by striking `or both,’ and inserting `or entities involved in the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or missiles’; and

      (2) in subparagraph (B)(i), by inserting `, including any money laundering activity by organized criminal groups, international terrorists, or entities involved in the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or missiles’ before the semicolon at the end.

Passed the House of Representatives September 28, 2006.
Attest:
Clerk.

NYTimes.com: A Portrait of Bush as a Victim of His Own Certitude

The New York Times E-mail This

BOOKS September 30, 2006
Books of The Times: A Portrait of Bush as a Victim of His Own Certitude
By MICHIKO KAKUTANI
In Bob Woodward’s highly anticipated new book, a passive leader presides over a grossly dysfunctional war cabinet.


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NYTimes.com: G.O.P. Leaders Knew in Late ’05 of E-Mail

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The Last King of Scotland
A powerful thriller that recreates on screen the world of Uganda under the mad dictatorship of Idi Amin. Deftly mixing fact and fiction and startlingly resonant with today’s world, the film features a tour de force performance from Forest Whitaker as Amin.
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The Fatherland Protection Racket by Thomas DiLorenzo

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